NO ENEMY CAN DEFEAT US

So affirmed Raúl in a statement made to Granma. He said that Fidel is getting better and thanked people for the thousands of messages of solidarity and support from within our country and abroad. Measures have been taken to prevent any attempt at aggression. The people are giving a compelling show of confidence in themselves.

BY LAZARO BARREDO MEDINA

Army General Raúl Castro Ruz gave this interview to Granma newspaper. The conversation took place in his office at the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (MINFAR) and focused on the principal events of recent days.

Comrade Raúl, our people joyfully received the message and photographs of the Commander-in-Chief, published in the press, and the subsequent television report of the meeting with President Chávez. Nevertheless, it would be greatly appreciated by millions of Cubans who have attentively followed updates on the health condition of comrade Fidel, to hear your personal assessment, as someone who is always so close to him.

Undoubtedly, our Chief’s health is what most interests all of us at this time.

On behalf of all the people, I’d like to congratulate and thank the doctors and other comrades who have provided him with excellent care, with the highest professionalism and, above all, with much love and dedication. This has been a major factor in Fidel’s progressive recovery.

Moreover, I think that his exceptional physique and mental disposition have also been essential to his satisfactory and gradual recovery.

We Cubans, even if we don’t see you for a while on television or in the press, we know that you are always there, at your combat post. But I think that this statement will also thwart the speculation and lies contained in some of the foreign media.

If you mean those in other countries who spend their time speculating about whether or not I’m going to appear on television or in the papers, well, I appeared with Fidel on Sunday (August 13) and when I welcomed President Chávez, although to tell you the truth, I couldn’t care less about such comments.

What I do care about greatly is what our people are thinking, although, fortunately, we live in this geographically small island, where everybody knows what we do. I confirm this when I talk with the people and with other local leaders in my tours of the country.

In fact, I am not used to making frequent appearances in public, except when it is required. Many tasks related to the country’s defense should not be made public and need to be handled with maximum care, and that has been one of my fundamental responsibilities as Minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. Moreover, I have always been discreet, that is my nature, and while we’re talking let me say that I plan to stay that way. But that has not been the fundamental reason why I haven’t appeared very often in the media; it simply has not been necessary.

But the essential orientation has not been lacking…

That’s true. The Commander-in-Chief's Proclamation gave the information that could be given at that time including specific tasks for everyone. The most important thing is to put our hearts and souls into fulfilling them. That is what all the leaders at different levels have been doing, together with our people who have maintained an exemplary discipline, vigilance and working spirit.

On behalf of the Commander-in-Chief and the Party leadership, I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone for the countless displays of support for the Revolution and for the content of his Proclamation, as well as the demonstrations of affection of personalities from the world of culture; professionals and workers in all sectors; peasants, soldiers, housewives, students, school children; among them numerous believers, public figures and religious institutions from the overwhelming majority of denominations; in short, the people of Cuba. It has been a resounding expression of their unbreakable unity and their revolutionary consciousness, essential pillars of the fortitude of our country.

The breadth of support from all over the world has also been impressive.

Yes, it has been truly heartening. That is why I should also like to express thanks for the numerous messages of solidarity and respect from all over the world, from people of the most diverse walks of life, from simple workers to intellectual and political figures, as well as a significant and representative number of religious institutions and personalities. They have all done so unconditionally. The messages from the few who did not act in that way were not accepted or acknowledged.

Up until today (August 17) some 12 000 people have signed the appeal issued 10 days ago by prominent cultural personalities from over 100 countries, including several Nobel Laureates, condemning the interfering and aggressive statements of the government of the United States, and exposing the openly interventionist nature of the Bush Plan, as we call that monster that would seem revived from the times when –as at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th– they thwarted the independence of Cuba and imposed their administrators.

Now they have also appointed one for the supposed "transition." A certain McCarry, who recently said that the United States does not accept the continuity of the Cuban Revolution, although he didn’t say how they are thinking of averting it.

One gets the impression that the enemies of the Revolution have been left speechless by the conclusive reaction of the Cuban people, immune to their enormous and disgraceful campaign of offences and lies. They show surprise when they say Cuba is calm, as if it were something unusual rather than the most ordinary thing in the world, and something all of us here knew would occur in a situation such as this.

Yes, apparently they have come to believe their own lies. It is most likely that their "think tanks" and many of their analysts are now drawing other conclusions.

As you were saying, absolute tranquility prevails in the country. And still more important is the serenity, discipline and determination that transpires in every workplace, in every city, in every neighborhood. This is the same attitude that our people always assume in difficult times. If it were solely by the internal situation, I am not exaggerating when I say that it would not have been necessary to mobilize even one child from among those who stand watch by the ballot boxes during the elections.

But we have never ignored a threat from the enemy. It would be irresponsible to do so when faced with a government like that of the United States, which declares with the greatest audacity that it does not accept what is consecrated in the Cuban Constitution. As if they owned the planet, they are saying that there must be a transition to a social regime of their liking and that they "would take note of those who oppose it." Although it seems incredible, this bullish and stupid attitude was assumed by President Bush a few days ago.

He’ll need a lot of paper and ink...

A fair amount. For that reason I would advise them to do the opposite. They should "take note," as they say, of the annexationists on the payroll of the U.S. Interests Section here in Havana, those who are going to receive the crumbs of the announced $80 million earmarked for subversion, because the bulk of it will be distributed in Miami, as is usually the case.

On the contrary, it would be an endless list if they were to take note of the millions and millions of Cuban men and women who are ready to receive their designated administrator with rifles in their hands.

At this point in time, they should know that it is not with threats and impositions that they can get something from Cuba. On the other hand, we have always been willing to normalize relations on equal footing. What we do not accept is the arrogant and interventionist policy often assumed by the current administration of that country.

Recently, when rereading Party Congress documents, I found ideas that could have been written today. For example, this excerpt from the Central Report presented by Fidel to the Third Party Congress in February 1986:

"Cuba is not reluctant, as we have often said, to discuss its long-standing differences with the United States and to seek for peace and better relations between our two nations." 

And he continued:

“But it would have to be based on the strictest respect for our status as a country that will not tolerate any infringement on its independence, a country for whose dignity and sovereignty entire generations of Cubans have fought and died. This will only be possible when the United States is ready to negotiate seriously in a spirit of equality, reciprocity and absolute mutual respect”.

Similar expressions are contained in the documents from the other Party Congresses and have also been reaffirmed by the Party’s First Secretary in various occasions.

Nevertheless they continue with the same aggressive and arrogant policy.

That is true. More than 20 years have passed since Fidel spoke the words that I have just cited and they have that 485-page interventionist plan that I mentioned, approved in 2004, in which they detail how they propose to dismantle the achievements of the Revolution in healthcare, education, social security; agrarian reform and urban reform; in other words, to kick the people off their land, out of their homes so that they can give them back to their former owners, etc.

To cap it all, just a few days ago, on July 10, President Bush officially approved a document complementing the former, which they had quietly posted on the Internet in June. They have openly stated that it includes a secret appendix that is not to be published "for reasons of national security" and "to ensure its effective implementation;" those are the exact terms they have used, in flagrant violation of International Law.

For some time now we have been adopting measures to confront such plans. These were specially reinforced when the current U.S. government undertook the unbridled warmongering policy that it has maintained to date, including the announced intention to launch pre-emptive attacks against any of the places that they refer to as the "sixty or more dark corners of the world."

A remarkable escalation of their aggressiveness…

You are right, and in 2003 the plans became more explicit. On December 5 of that year, Mr. Roger Noriega, then Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, declared –I don’t know if it was intentional or a slip of the tongue– that "the transition in Cuba –in other words, Fidel’s death– could happen at any moment and we have to be prepared to act quickly and decisively." He added that "the United States wanted to be sure that the regime’s cronies have no hope of holding onto power" and, so as to leave no doubt, he added that they were working "to ensure that there was no succession to the Castro regime." He and other senior U.S. officials have subsequently insisted on this.

How can these goals be obtained other than through military aggression? The country has thus adopted the measures necessary to counteract that real danger.

Faced with similar situations, Martí taught us what to do: "Plan against plan. Without a plan of resistance, a plan of attack cannot be defeated," he wrote in the newspaper Patria on June 11, 1892.

The United States government is not revealing the contents of that appendix because it is illegal. Its publication must be demanded, especially now that, in order to threaten Cuba, they have acknowledged its existence.

Our defense plans, on the other hand, are transparent and legal, simply because they do not threaten anybody; their sole objective is to guarantee the sovereignty and independence of the homeland; they do not infringe any national or international law whatsoever.

The country’s media has reported on the seriousness and scope of the recently adopted measures aimed at steadily strengthening our defense. Just over a month ago, on July 1, the issue was analyzed extensively by the Fifth Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Party.

Some of the imperialist hawks thought that on July 31 the moment had come to destroy the Revolution.

We could not rule out the risk of somebody going crazy, or even crazier, within the U.S. government.

Therefore, at 3 a.m. on August 1, in compliance with the plans approved and signed on January 13, 2005 by comrade Fidel, and after the relevant consultations, I decided to raise our combative capacity and preparation substantially by implementing the foreseen measures, which included the mobilization of several tens of thousands of reserve troops and militiamen, and the orders given to our principal units of regular troops, including the Special Troops, regarding the missions required by the new political and military situation.

All of the mobilized personnel has completed or is currently completing an important cycle of combat training and cohesion, part of that actual military drilling.

These troops will rotate, in approximately equal numbers, as the proposed objectives are attained. All of the reserve troops and militia members who are to participate in these activities will be informed, with the necessary anticipation, of the date of incorporation into their units and the time that they will remain there to fulfill their guard duty to the homeland.

To date, the mobilization that we began on August 1 has developed satisfactorily, thanks to the excellent response of our reserve troops and militia members, as well as the commendable labor displayed by the military commands and especially by the Defense Councils, under the leadership of the Party, at every level.

It is not my intention to exaggerate the danger. I never have done so. The current attacks have so far remained rhetorical, with the exception of the substantial increase in subversive anti-Cuba radio and television broadcasts.

They have announced the use of a new aircraft...

They had been using, at varying intervals, a military aircraft known as Commando Solo. Since August 5, they began to use another type of aircraft for daily transmissions. On August 11, it did this in conjunction with the aforementioned Commando Solo.

In fact, on the 5th and 6th, our radars detected that transmissions were beamed from international waters, in blatant violation of the agreements of the International Telecommunications Union, to which the United States is a signatory, which once again we are denouncing through the relevant channels and agencies, given that these transmissions are also affecting broadcasting in our country.

In fact, we are not at all worried about the hypothetical influence of this crude and poor quality propaganda, which falls very much below the cultural and political expectations of the Cuban people and which our people reject, just as they reject those notices shown on a screen at the U.S. Interests Section. That is not what this is about; it is above all a matter of sovereignty and dignity. We would never passively allow the consummation of that aggressive act, and that is why we interfere with it.

At the end of the day, they are spending millions of American taxpayers’ dollars to achieve the same result as ever: a TV channel that can not be viewed.

To these reflections on the country’s defense I would like to add an idea expressed by Fidel in 1975, in his Central Report to the First Party Congress, which I have quoted so much that I now know it by heart:

"So long as imperialism exists, the Party, the State and the people will give the utmost attention to defense. Revolutionary defense will never be neglected. History all too eloquently teaches us that those who forget this principle do not outlive the error."

That has been our guide for many years, and continues to be today for plenty of reasons.

I feel that in recent days we Cubans have shown that we all share that conviction.

I agree with you, and that is why I conclude by repeating my congratulations to the Cuban people for their overwhelming expressions of confidence in themselves; a show of maturity, serenity, monolithic unity, discipline, revolutionary consciousness and —put this in capital letters— RESOLUTENESS, which reminded me of the conduct of the Cuban people during the heroic days of the so-called Missile Crisis in October 1962.

These are the fruits of a Revolution whose concept Fidel summed up in his speech of May 1, 2000, in 20 basic ideas that constitute the quintessence of ideological political work. They are the results of many years of combat waged under his leadership. Let there be no doubt, as long as we remain this way, no enemy can defeat us. •

REVOLUTION

means to have a sense of history; it is changing everything that must be changed; it is full equality and freedom; it is being treated and treating others like human beings; it is achieving emancipation by ourselves and through our own efforts; it is challenging powerful dominant forces from within and without the social and national milieu; it is defending the values in which we believe at the cost of any sacrifice; it is modesty, selflessness, altruism, solidarity and heroism; it is fighting with courage, intelligence and realism; it is never lying or violating ethical principles; it is a profound conviction that there is no power in the world that can crush the power of truth and ideas. Revolution means unity; it is independence, it is fighting for our dreams of justice for Cuba and for the world, which is the foundation of our patriotism, our socialism and our internationalism

Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz

May 1, 2000